By Jon Silverman
Media clamour on matters in terms of crime, justice and civil liberties hasn't ever been extra insistent. if it is the homicide of James Bulger or detaining terrorist suspects for lengthy classes with no trial, mediated remark has grown immeasurably over the last twenty years. So, how does it have interaction with and form coverage in those fields? How do the politicians either reply to and take a look at to govern the media which permeates our society and culture?
Crime, coverage and the Media is the 1st educational textual content to map the connection among a speedily altering media and policymaking in felony justice. Spanning the interval, 1989-2010, it examines a few case reports – terrorism, medicines, sentencing, policing and public defense, among others – and interrogates key policy-makers (including six former domestic Secretaries, a former Lord leader Justice, Attorney-General, senior law enforcement officials, govt advisers and prime commentators) in regards to the effect of the media on their considering and perform.
Bolstered by means of content material and framing research, it argues that, particularly, within the final decade, worry of media feedback and the day-by-day Mail influence has constrained the policymaking time table in crime and justice, concluding that the increasing impact of the net and internet 2.0 has began to undermine a few of the ways that firms comparable to the police have won and held a presentational virtue.
Written by means of a former BBC domestic Affairs Correspondent, with unrivalled entry to the top reaches of policy-making, it really is either academically rigorous and obtainable and should be of curiosity to either students and practitioners in media and felony justice.
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Additional info for Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal Justice, 1989-2010
Liberal, politically correct agenda’ is invariably cast as a counterpoint to the ‘plain common sense’ of British citizens frustrated by legalistic obfuscation. ‘Judicial coup’ attributes to the courts an overarching plan to subvert the will of parliament rather than an interpretative ruling by a professional adjudicator, paid to do precisely that. It is hard to take issue with the House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution when it recommended that: ‘If the media object to a judgment or sentencing decision, we suggest they focus their efforts on persuading the government to rectify the legal and policy framework rather than “treating judges as fair game”’ (House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution 2007: 46).
A sentencing system which develops out of political contrivance is never going ‘to make sense’, if that term is considered semantically. A mathematical formula makes sense, once and always. A formula for delivering ‘justice’ is necessarily fluid, as one prevailing concern – whether it is abolishing the ‘double jeopardy’ rule or criminalizing forced marriage – gives way to another, and so on. But that is self-evident. The question to answer is this: Is there a factor which makes the English (or British) justice system more vulnerable to public dissatisfaction than its Continental counterparts?
Interview with author, 5 July 2010 Vera Baird’s justification is worth interrogating. It gives succour to David Blunkett’s attitude that the interests of executive and judiciary were (are) somehow inimical to each other. And it is a demonstration that, in Whitehall, attack is invariably seen as the best form of defence: in other words, accuse the judge of playing politics in questioning the structure of a sentence he was obliged to hand out, rather than admit that it was the Home Secretary’s hasty intervention which had raised the stakes.
Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal Justice, 1989-2010 by Jon Silverman